In a major compromise, the parties agreed on measures to promote the Irish language, which trade unionists have long opposed to the fear that it will increase nationalist and republican culture to the detriment of their own. In return, the agreement contained provisions to promote Ulster-Scots, traditionally spoken by descendants of Protestants from Scotland to Northern Ireland. Negotiations were also reinforced by commitments in Dublin and London for increased funding for hospitals, schools and other social services in Northern Ireland. The agreement has never solved the source of this fear. Indeed, it expressly avoided it and instead chose to create a system in which the two positions could coexist peacefully. The agreement first did so by acknowledging the „persistent and equally legitimate political aspirations” of each side. Then there was a smart disposition: in parallel with the Downing Street declaration, Reynolds began to convince the IRA to make a ceasefire. Both Reynolds and Hume were convinced that Sinn Féin`s attachment to a nationalist nationalist coalition would show them the benefits of using purely political means. This would involve the nationalists of Northern Ireland, the Irish government and the Americas of Demir and would allow republicans access to washington`s highest policies. Direct domination of London ended in Northern Ireland when power was formally transferred to the new Northern Ireland Assembly, the North-South Council and the Anglo-Irish Council when the opening decisions of the Anglo-Irish Agreement came into force on 2 December 1999.    Article 4, paragraph 2 of the Anglo-Irish Agreement (the agreement between the British and Irish governments on the implementation of the Belfast Agreement) required both governments to inquire in writing about compliance with the terms of entry into force of the Anglo-Irish Agreement; The latter is expected to come into effect as soon as both notifications are received.
 The British government has agreed to participate in a televised ceremony at Iveagh House in Dublin, the Irish Foreign Office. Peter Mandelson, Minister of Northern Ireland, participated in his participation in early December 2, 1999. He exchanged notifications with David Andrews, the Irish Foreign Secretary. Shortly after the ceremony, at 10:30 a.m., the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, signed the declaration of formal amendment of Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution. He then informed the D`il that the Anglo-Irish agreement had entered into force (including some endorsements to the Belfast Agreement).   However, the ceasefire negotiations did not result in direct all-party talks. Instead, the peace process quickly came to an end on the issue of the arms truce – handing over or verifying the elimination of weapons. The IRA would not consider anything that could be seen as a capitulation, and Sinn Féin argued that dismantling should be negotiated as part of a process of „demilitarization.” But neither Unionist politicians nor the British government would argue with Sinn Féin until the dismantling took place. After the announcement of the IRA ceasefire, unionists expressed concern about the republican celebrations. They were not ready to take Sinn Féin at their word. In November 2015, after ten weeks of talks convened by the British and Irish governments, a fresh start was agreed – the Stormont Agreement and the Implementation Plan. The Fresh Start agreement dealt with the implementation of many aspects of the Stormont House Agreement and the additional issue of combating the lingering effects and legacy of paramilitarism.
After years of deadlock, the UK government has pledged to implement the legacy-related institutions outlined in the 2014 agreement as part of the January 2020 Stormont Recovery Agreement.